Question for Attorney General Jeff Sessions: “Were you lying when you told Congress you never met with Soviet officials, or were you lying when you told Congress that while you did meet with Soviet officials you never discussed a deal between your master, Donald Trump, and Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak who you met at least two times (and growing) last year.

The question begs, what is the greater crime….smoking and selling a joint of marijuana or lying to Congress, colluding with a foreign government to steal a national election?

How about demand the maximum penalty for yourself, you bastard.  Wanting to lock up young people for decades for non-violent crime, taking them away from the stability of their homes and families, at a cost of $60,000 per years (that could buy a college education) which we, the tax payers, will pay for.  Let them rot in Gulags worse than China, stigmatize them, brand them so they can never get a decent job, you son-of-a-bitch.

Sessions has been a racist since his college years, hates Black, hate drugs and drug users.  Hates criminals of all types (but exempts the kinds of crimes he perpetrates).  He wants to put them in prison for the maximum time allowed by law.  I believe his hates makes him certifiably insane and if he is interviewed by a competent psychologist, he will be institutionalized as a sociopath, a habitual liar and a heartless bastard.

Sessions prioritized drug cases of all sizes, taking on prosecutions typically left to state authorities and often meting out long federal sentences. According to an analysis by the Mobile Register, Sessions’ policies helped southern Alabama establish a federal drug conviction rate that was almost four times the national average.

Sessions’ tenure as the US attorney for southern Alabama, displayed his willingness to put his thumb on the scales of justice in order to achieve his goals, sometimes through prosecutions that appeared politically motivated.

Sessions’ classroom:

Born in Selma in 1946, Sessions was raised in a small town in Alabama. The majority-African American area had long been a hotbed of voter suppression, where whites intimidated black sharecroppers or misreported their votes. The state’s 1901 constitution effectively disenfranchised African Americans through a combination of poll taxes, literacy tests, property requirements, and screening for past offenses such as vagrancy. As the leader of the state’s constitutional convention explained at the time, “If we would have white supremacy, we must establish it by law—not by force or fraud.” When Sessions attended the segregated Wilcox County High School, not a single African American in the county was registered to vote.

By the 1970s, when Sessions moved to Mobile not long after getting his law degree, the city had become a stronghold of George Wallace, the state’s segregationist Democratic governor. Whereas municipal governments in Alabama’s other major cities integrated, it took the US Supreme Court to bring black representation to Mobile’s city council. The last recorded lynching in the United States took place in Mobile in 1981, when the Ku Klux Klan kidnapped a 19-year-old African American named Michael Donald, slit his throat, and hung him from a camphor tree. Mobile had become a city of both old-money aristocracy and white-grievance populism—a sort of proto-Trumpism that explains why Donald Trump held one of his first mega-rallies, in August 2015, in Mobile, with Sessions at his side.

“Now Jeff Sessions owns every federal grand jury in America.  Don’t get indicted for anything, anywhere, at any time while Sessions is in office,” an attorney who knew him said.

In coming to Mobile, Sessions had retraced the steps of other rural whites before him. “In North Alabama, where the knowledge economy is centered, that’s the Republican establishment,” says Alabama historian Wayne Flynt. “They never liked Jeff Sessions very much. Too many connections to race, to right-wing conservatism, to the white evangelical rabble-rousers.”

Throughout his career, Sessions has employed the heavy hand of government in criminal prosecutions while not defending civil rights.

In 1984, Sessions began investigating absentee ballot use by African Americans in five rural counties where black voters’ influence was on the rise. He charged the organizers with mail and voter fraud for allegedly tampering with ballots. During the trial, his case fell apart, and the jury found the three activists not guilty.

Under orders from Sessions, some of the witnesses, elderly black voters, had to board buses in the presence of armed police and FBI officers, mere feet from where state troopers had killed a protestor 20 years earlier. Once in Mobile, the witnesses were photographed and fingerprinted, several were so shaken by the process that they said they would never vote again.

Another attorney said Sessions was trying to get people to be scared to say anything other than what law enforcement wanted them to say at the grand jury. And also to send a message out to the community, and to get people to be afraid to stand up and fight back, to be afraid to vote.”

Sessions presented himself as a crusader against graft, frequently prosecuting Mobile officials, often Democrats, who were still dominant in the 1980s.  However, the flimsy evidence for some of these prosecutions drew accusations that Sessions was motivated by politics.

Shortly after Sessions was denied the federal judgeship, his office charged two African Americans who played a role in his confirmation hearings:  One spent more than five years in prison but continues to deny any wrongdoing. “I considered that, ‘How dare you?  You testified against me,’” said a lawyer who knew Sessions.

In a case Sessions prosecuted, it was revealed that Sessions violated numerous statutes, including the withholding of evidence. The state dropped dozens of the charges. Citing prosecutorial misconduct, the judge dismissed the rest and wrote a brutal opinion slamming Sessions’ office. Stephen Gillers, a professor at New York University School of Law, told the Senate Judiciary Committee in January that the opinion was “the most scathing criticism of a prosecutorial office I have read in the nearly 40 years I have been teaching legal ethics.”

Sessions stopped the government’s push against a Texas voter ID law—signaling the administration’s reluctance to vigorously enforce the Voting Rights Act.

He told a gathering of state attorneys general that he planned to increase the number of federal prosecutions for drug crimes.  “He runs his office like it’s a powerful machine that grinds people down,” says a liberal defense lawyer in Mobile.

Sessions was quoted as saying, “If I were attorney general, the first thing I’d do is see if I couldn’t increase prosecutions by 50 percent.” Now, he has the chance to make his vision come true.  As Attorney general, he has already begun to pull the department back from civil rights enforcement.

In my opinion, this man should be muzzled, sedated, neutered, stripped of power and placed in the same prison he has sent so many people who he illegally and unethically prosecuted.

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