If you want to know what will happen in November of 2020, all you have to do is look at what happened in November of 2016.

The Democrats put the entire weight of their selection process on the side of Hilary Clinton.  At the time of that decision, Hilary was up by two percentage points on Donald Trump while Bernie Sanders was up by sixteen percentage points.

The Democratic National Committee favored Hilary in every vote count.  In one state, Bernie tied with Hilary so there was a coin toss to decide the winner.  They flipped a coin six times.  Hilary won all six coin tosses.  The odds of that are spectacularly high.

The DNC devoted more money to Hilary’s ads and her TV time.

They disregarded all the warning signs that Hilary had a huge amount of baggage and that Trump and the Republicans would exploit that.

Red lights should have been flashing when Hilary testified before the Senate armed Services Committee.  When she was asked about the people who died in the Benghazi attack, Hilary said, “We’ve been over that time and time again.  At this point, what does it matter?  The fact is, we have four dead Americans.  Was it because of a protest or was it because of some who just decide they go kill some Americans.  What difference doe it make at this point?’  That is the statement by a true sociopath.

The DNC had ample warnings but dismissed them.

The same thing is happening right now.  Joe Biden has a ton of baggage.  Bad decisions, bad policy, bad votes in congress.

Trump will exploit those points and crush Joe Biden in the debates.

Joe Biden, besides being on the wrong side of history numerous times, can barely put two sentences together.  He gets tongue-tied and confused and forgets what he said just a moment before.  He may be the worst debater I’ve ever heard.

He hasn’t had an original idea in decades.  Now, here is a list of Joe’s very poor decision and statement:

Biden rose to prominence in the 1970s by voting against school integration through busing. Biden reached across the aisle to his friend Jesse Helms — one of the most virulent racists in modern politics — to launch relentless verbal and legislative attacks on school busing that reversed years of progress.  And weakened the government’s power to desegregate more broadly.  Biden frequently claimed he had been a civil rights activist. Later he was forced to admit he had simply worked at an all-black swimming pool during the Civil Rights Movement.

The next couple of decades saw Biden turn his attention to another issue: waging “war” against drugs and crime. Eliminating parole, civil asset forfeiture, harsh mandatory minimums for drug possession, the crack and powder cocaine sentencing disparity, dozens of new death penalties, and unprecedented resources poured into building new prisons and arresting people to fill them with: Biden was not a small player in enacting all this and more. He was one of the driving forces, constantly bragging about his role in policies that devastated black communities, policies adopted for nakedly electoral purposes.

It’s no coincidence that the two issues Biden leaned on most heavily in the first half of his career to show off his centrist credentials were also ones that made life markedly worse for African Americans: political “moderation” after the 1960s usually meant how far you were willing to go to thumb your nose at the cause of civil rights. So Biden’s close relationship with another of Congress’s renown racist, Strom Thurmond, whom he later warmly eulogized as a “brave man” who “truly wanted to help”.

The 1990s-era crackdown on immigrants — the period when the vast deportation apparatus now in the hands of Trump was largely built — was another Biden cause. He was a loyal soldier in this crusade, supporting a special ban on accepting immigrants if they were HIV positive; easing rules for deportation, even for legal residents with families; restricting immigrants’ access to welfare; and even at one point suggesting deploying troops to deal with undocumented immigrants. A plan later devised by Biden to slow migration from Latin America only further fueled the violence and misery that migrants were fleeing in the first place, paving the way for future migration crises, for which, as vice president, he would prescribe the same self-defeating solutions.

The 1990s also saw Biden take aim at civil liberties, authoring anti-terror bills that, among other things, “gutted the federal writ of habeas corpus.”

Biden liked to brag that he was effectively the author of the Bush-era Patriot Act, which, in his view, didn’t go far enough. He inserted a provision into the bill that allowed for the militarization of local law enforcement and again suggested deploying the military within US borders, before transforming into a civil liberties defender in the latter part of the Bush presidency, once the political winds had shifted.

Biden also spent the 1990s voting for a string of neoliberal policies: NAFTA, one of the most devastating political defeats for unions in recent memory, and one where Biden was a crucial vote that switched to help it pass.  He championed the balanced budget amendment to the Constitution, stating he wanted to make Herbert Hoover’s economic policy a constitutional mandate.  He voted for the repeal of the New Deal-era Glass-Steagall prohibition on banks engaging in risky securities dealings.

Not long after the turn of the twentieth century, Biden enthusiastically voted for the greatest foreign policy disaster of the twenty-first: the Iraq War (“I voted to go into Iraq, and I’d vote to do it again”).  He backed Margaret Thatcher’s war in the Falklands.  He was one of the key figures pushing for NATO’s eastward expansion in the 1990s, a needless provocation of Russia that created the Cold War.  Diplomat George Kennan, speaking more than a year before Vladimir Putin took office, presciently denounced that action as “the beginning of a new cold war.”

Biden’s strategy for Afghanistan is indistinguishable from the one the Trump administration is now pursuing, and his “counterterrorism plus” approach — the use of drone strikes and special forces anywhere in the world — became Obama’s anti-terror policy, one that visited death and carnage to a long series of countries and fueled the very threat it was supposed to extinguish.

Biden is one of the most Israel-friendly politicians of his generation. Through speaking fees and campaign donations, Israel has been good to Biden his whole career, and Biden’s been good right back, from pushing for more US aid to voting to move the embassy to Jerusalem — another extremist policy Trump cribbed from Biden and his friends — and even chiding the Bush administration for its criticism of Israel’s assassination program.

Finally, the Biden family’s propensity for engaging in money-making ventures that just somehow seem to constantly overlap with Biden’s political career — will make him a perfect foil to Trump. Whether it’s Biden’s son, Hunter, being hired as a lobbyist for a Delaware credit card company whose favored legislation Biden was voting for; Biden’s brother mysteriously getting hired by a mid-size construction firm shortly before it received a $1.5 billion government contract; or Hunter, again, joining the board of a corruption-tainted Ukrainian gas producer while Biden spearheaded US policy on Ukraine. That last issue is likely a ticking time bomb, with Ukrainian officials recently disclosing to the Hill that Biden leaned on the country’s government to fire its top prosecutor just as he was set to investigate the gas company, including interviewing Biden’s son.

The most damning thing is that Biden hasn’t changed. While other candidates with similarly troubling records at least understand the need to pay lip service to progressive ideas, there’s little indication Biden has moved an inch in his thinking. He doesn’t think “five hundred billionaires are the reason we’re in trouble,” and has “no empathy” for millennial. He still supports the Trans-Pacific Partnership. He still thinks adding to the conditions that fuel migration is the best way to stop it. He still wants to cut Medicare and Social Security.

In short, a Joe Biden nomination would likely be a disaster, alienating the same voters who deserted Hillary Clinton in 2016.  The only thing that could be more harmful is a Joe Biden presidency, which, to take him at his word, would see the former vice president collaborate with an increasingly extreme GOP in an effort to achieve some of the Right’s most long-cherished goals, including paring back the last remnants of the New Deal.

If someone you know is unfamiliar with Biden’s record on busing, mass incarceration, neoliberal economics, war and civil liberties, abortion, or immigration, now would be a good time to reacquaint them.

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